Critical Review Of The Article ‘A Revisionist Stakeholder: China And The Post-World War II World Order’ By Suisheng Zhao

Since the creation of the current order after the Second World War, the power of China has been increasing and the Trump’s withdrawal policy from the global administration plays in favour of this stakeholder. Published the 25th April 2018 in the ‘Journal of Contemporary China’ under the title of ‘A Revisionist Stakeholder: China and the Post-World War II World Order’ is written in the form of an opinion article. The author, Suisheng Zhao, specialist in Chinese politics, nationalism and foreign policy analyses the attempt of China to become the global governor and his employment experiences and many publications about this topic such as ‘The Rise of China and Transformation of the U. S. -China Relationship: Forging Partnership in the Age of Strategic Mistrust’ (2013) ensure the accuracy and credibility of the article.

Firstly, Zhao explains the current world order considered under the terms of global governance and stablishes a comparison between the US and China, explaining that the real problem may be the unhappiness of China with the status it owns. He highlights the fact that the post-World War II order is based on the UN Charter and the author insists on the fact that China did not participate in the creation of it. His main arguments resolve around the US dominance recess, the great emergence of China and its great success taking advantage of the global situation, but also the un-preparedness of China to take over the US international role. Beyond the dramatic considerations of some scholars and the worldwide expectation, the US is far from being replaced by China due to the lack of shared values and global role. Zhao’s arguments revolve around liberalism: the Chinese background or the contradiction between the Communism and the unreal Mao’s version of nationalism are solid argument to accept that China has no alternative values to be shared by the whole world. Following the Cooper’s premise: ‘For the post-modern state, sovereignty is a seat at a table’, precisely sovereignty was the aim of China entering in the UN and what cannot be guaranteed by this country as a global order. However, Takeshi Uemura analyses the situation from a constructivist perspective which encompasses both cultural and social matters, consequently, in the case of China, the US pressure could be interpreted as its aim of retarding China’s development. G. John Ikenberry, in a realist approach, argues, otherwise, that the liberal strategy includes encouraging China to participate in global institutions so that this country will not be willing to disrupt the international order.

As far as the situation of this nation, it demands greater representation and, with the aim of competing with the US, it has created several institutions such as BRICS Bank, AIIB or RMB. However, this raises the question as to whether China a good stakeholder is. Amitai Etzioni argues that ‘China is neither a good member nor a good citizen’ (2017), in line with the belief of the author that China does not have national strength, nor shared values. Katharine A. Fredriksen points out that China has considerable potential to be a responsible stakeholder and we do see some encouraging signs. These different views, however, have the common point of the China’s limited capacity of taking the place of the US. As the author and Linda Yueh point out, China has evolved from one of the poorest economies in the world to the second largest one. Linda Yueh goes a little bit further by stating ‘China is expected to be as important an engine of growth in the world as the United States over the coming decades’ (2010). It goes without saying that Trump’s policy is contributing to the rise of China, so we could wonder if the emergence of China is due to its own merits or not. Differing views are expressed regarding this issue. G. John Ikenberry suggests China will absolutely become powerful, but it depends on the US the place it will receive; Steve Chan, shares the same approach, arguing that despite the growth of China, there are no current evidences of China overtaking or approaching the US. Much more optimistic is Martin Jacques, who thinks that China would rule the world and it is only a matter of time, and Gerald Chan who points out that a China model is being made. The credibility and trust which characterized the US are fading away, and Philip Stephens suggests the same key question: ‘If the US does not respect an American-designed order why should anyone else?’. Moreover, some clear statements as that of Esward Prasad ‘Trump has been a godsend for China’ are becoming a widespread belief. Nevertheless, even though some scholars are very optimistic about the issue of China becoming the new biggest power, it remains unclear if it does have shared values which could assure its hold on power. Yang Weidong admits that ‘China does not have distinctive values’ and so thinks the author pointing out that ‘China may change nothing of substance in the global order’.

The author’s argument resolves around the publication of the Annual Report to Congress (2008) by the Office of the Secretary of Defence in which it is stressed that the U. S. policy encourages China to become a more responsible stakeholder with the goal of achieving greater success in the global system. Fortunately, the UN supports the democracy and strives to guarantee human rights. Some of these rights are mishandled in China due to the death penalty, the one-child policy, the neglect of freedom of the press and flow of information. Not only this, but this country has also several issues regarding corruption, environmental pollution, inequality or poverty. Jacques Martin and his article entitled ‘No one rules the world’ may reflect the current reality and the evolution towards a joint world leadership. The philosophy of Confucianism has turned into a way of life in Chinese society, therefore, certain basic principles as collectivism against Western individualism or the concern of everybody in the rise or fall of the country along with the lack of work-life balance in China are still arguments in favour of the US. Similarly, China’s very deeply rooted values and denial of some fundamental rights of the UN Charter work against its rise. A great deal still must be done by China to take over from the US.