Gender And Computer Games: Exploring Females’ Dislikes

Introduction

Computer and video games have become among the most popular leisure time activities for children, adolescents, and young adults in Western and Asian societies. The computer game industry is a billion-dollar business and its products have become a major part of today’s media landscape (e. g. , Poole, 2000; Vorderer & Bryant, 2006; Wolf, 1999). However, a substantial gender difference in computer game involvement has been observed, both in the U. S. and in Germany, despite the use of digital games being on the rise (Ivory, 2006).

Many studies conducted in social science fields such as psychology report that girls and young women display less interest in digital games, have less game-related knowledge, and play less frequently and for shorter durations than do boys and young men (e. g. , Brown, Hall, Holtzer, Brown, & Brown, 1997; Cassell & Jenkins, 1998a; Lucas & Sherry, 2004; Wright, et al. , 2001). Several recent studies in Germany suggest the existence of a similar or even wider gender gap in video game involvement among the German population. For example, among a representative sample of German six to 13 years olds, 33% of girls reported playing Gameboy at least once a week (compared to 51% of boys), 33% reported playing other video consoles or computer games (compared to 54% of boys), and only 12% reported being very interested in video games in general (compared to 36% of boys; MFS, 2005a).

Another study (MFS, 2005b) found a similar gender gap in video game involvement among 12 to 19 year old adolescents, with for example only 15% of all females reporting finding video games very interesting (compared to 52% of males) and only 15% of all females in this age group (compared to 61% of males) stating that they play computer or video games at least once a week. At the same time, recent publications suggest that the amount of female game playing has increased, at least in the U. K. and the U. S. (see, e. g. , Bryce & Rutter, 2002; Jenkins, 1998). According to current user data for the U. S. market (ESA, 2005), 43% of all video game players are female (in contrast to the gender gap in Germany). Online games as a “new” form of video game playing have been adopted by many female players as well (44% of all online-players are female, ESA, 2005). The Sims’ success as a top selling video game has been attributed to its attractiveness to female players (cf. Carr, 2005); this adds to the discussion of female-targeted game design (Cassell, 1998; Cassell & Jenkins, 1998b; Graner-Ray, 2003; Gorriz & Medina, 2000; Miller, Chaika, & Groppe, 1996), but does not explain females’ lower interest in video games per se.

Researchers have also noted the popularity of “pink software” among females (e. g. , Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1998). Matell’s Barbie Fashioner Designer, for example, a video game that allowed users to make clothes for their Barbie Dolls, sold more than 500,000 copies (Cassell, 2002).

Finally, some researchers, often with a background in Cultural Studies, note that females may regard contemporary computer games (even those designed for male players) as “sites for female participation and resistance to societal gender roles and conceptions of masculinity and femininity” (Bryce & Rutter, 2002, p. 246; see in general for a discussion of progressive “grrrl gamers”Cassell & Jenkins, 1998a; Yates & Littleton, 1999; for a different view, see “conservative pink software,”AAUW, 2000, p. 30).

In sum, the research suggests that video games have traditionally been a realm dominated by males, but that due to the emergence of female subcultures adopting contemporary video games designed for males, and the advent of new games that successfully engage female players, the gender gap has started to narrow, at least in the U. S. , such that players are no longer overwhelmingly male. These developments imply a shift away from the traditional gender gap to gender-specific adaptations of video games. Focusing on gender differences in involvement with computer games is primarily relevant for research on entertainment (e. g. , Dietz, 1998; Klimmt & Hartmann, 2006; Raney, Smith, & Baker, 2006; Salisch, Oppl, & Kristen, 2006), as it seems plausible that gender-specific entertainment preferences exist. However, despite growing interest among scholars from different disciplines in what video game design elements attract females, few empirical studies have examined the issue from a psychological point of view. Continued research on the gender gap that still exists also has implications for research on media socialization and access to information technologies. Because competence in computer games may require media literacy and technical skills, involvement with computer games presumably facilitates the acquisition of general computer-related knowledge and abilities (Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1994).

Thus gaming can help users participate successfully in the information society (Cassell & Jenkins, 1998a; Lucas & Sherry, 2004). It follows that if computer games are more attractive to boys than to girls, they perpetuate gender imbalance in access to modern information technologies. This article presents two studies that address why young women are less attracted than young men to popular contemporary computer games in Germany. We examined content factors that are salient in most contemporary video games and that can potentially decrease females’ liking. Both studies rely on assumptions discussed in the literature in social-scientific communication research and psychology. Both studies analyzed single-player video games (thus excluding virtual worlds and other multiplayer games).

Also, other playing contexts and situational factors (e. g. , playing together with others) are not addressed, although research suggests that multiplayer modes and playing with friends are important factors in females’ liking to play video games (Agosto, 2002). Research on gender and computer games“Gender” can be construed in different ways, depending on the researcher’s disciplinary approach (see, e. g. , for feminist and cultural-studies based approaches, Cassell, 1998; Cassell & Jenkins, 1998b; for psychological approaches, Bem, 1981; Crane & Markus, 1982; and for overviews, Bussey & Bandura, 1999; deCastell & Bryson, 1998). Throughout this article we adopt a psychological perspective, namely the Social Cognitive Theory of Gender Differentiation, which is described by Bussey and Bandura (1999) as follows: “In this theoretical perspective, gender roles and conceptions are the product of a broad network of social influences operating interdependently in a variety of societal subsystems. Human evolution provides bodily structures and biological potentialities that permit a range of possibilities rather than dictate a fixed type of gender differentiation” (p. 676). Most attempts to explain the gender gap in computer game involvement focus on the content and the design of typical games (e. g. , AAUW, 2000; Cassell, 2002; Glaubke, Miller, Parker, & Espejo, 2001; Gorriz & Medina, 2000; Graner-Ray, 2003; Kafai, 1998; Miller, Chaika, & Groppe, 1996). Several authors have documented that most digital games rely heavily on stereotypes and archaic role models to portray female characters (Dietz, 1998; Jansz & Martis, 2003; Sherman, 1997). Many female characters in computer games are weak victims who are protected or rescued by powerful males (i. e. , they have a low task-attractivity, McCroskey & McCain, 1974). Moreover, visual portrayals of females tend to highlight physical attributes (e. g. , through clothing) or exaggerate female sexuality (e. g. , Beasley & Standley, 2002; Downs & Smith, 2005; Schleiner, 2001).

Although such content characteristics presumably attract male players, they may repel females from playing, because observing such gender stereotypes could impede identification with the female characters or even cause cognitive conflicts and annoyance (especially if the subjective construction by the player involves a feminist self-concept; see, e. g. , Cassell’s discussion of Lara Croft, 2002). Female users could have low attraction and appreciation for such portrayals of female characters (McCroskey & McCain, 1974), and their enjoyment and playing motivation could be reduced in consequence. Another important content variable is violence. The majority of popular computer games targeted at teens and adults present an abundance of violent actions with an increasing degree of realism (Dietz, 1998; Schneider, Lang, Shin, & Bradley, 2004; Sherry, 2001; Smith, Lachlan, & Tamborini, 2003). Research on media genre preference has demonstrated that males are more interested in violent entertainment than females are (e. g. , Slater, 2003). Females tend to display a very low preference for observing or participating in conflicts and their resolutions through violence (see Bussey & Bandura, 1999) and find non-violent entertainment, such as comedy or sad films, more attractive (Oliver, Weaver, & Sargent, 2000). Many computer games do not satisfy females’ preference for non-violent content. The lack of suitable non-violent games may also help explain women and girls’ low interest in such games (Jansz, 2005; Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1998). A third content-related factor that could explain females’ dislike of computer games is the amount of social interaction offered in single-player games. Television research has revealed that females value programs with considerable amounts of meaningful dialogue and character interaction, and are less attracted by action-oriented formats with taciturn people who ignore each other (e. g. , Mayer, 2003). Most single-player computer games, however, seem to adopt structures of action-oriented entertainment formats such as action movies or sports broadcasts, and only include social interaction to a limited extent.

One prominent exception is “The Sims” (Electronic Arts, published in 2000), which centers around social interaction between players and characters and among characters (Steen, Greenfield, Davies, & Tynes, 2006). Not surprisingly, “The Sims” is one of the very few game products that has attracted many female players (Steen, et al. , 2006). In general, however, most available digital games present few opportunities for social interaction in single-player mode; thus they do not address girls’ and women’s media entertainment preferences (see AAUW, 2000; Bryce & Rutter, 2002; Inkpen, et al. , 1994). In addition to content factors, the competitive structure of most digital games could contribute to females’ indifference toward them (Vorderer, Hartmann, & Klimmt, 2006). Research in sports psychology has demonstrated that girls find competitive activities less attractive than do boys and that girls are sometimes afraid of participating in competitive sports (e. g. , Swain & Jones, 1991; see also Bussey & Bandura, 1999, for explanations based on self-efficacy). It is reasonable to assume, then, that some females would avoid competitive computer games as well. But almost all games on the market involve competitive elements, such as sports contests, armed duels, car racing, or economic rivalry.

One exception that is very popular among females is the adventure game “Myst” (Ubisoft, published in 1993) and its sequels. This type of game offers a non-competitive task structure, requiring exploration and puzzle-solving without time pressure or immediate threats. Because most digital games involve competitive elements, however, they are presumably less likely to attract female users (see also Agosto, 2002; Lucas & Sherry, 2004). In sum, at least four factors can account for the gender gap in computer game playing. Three concern the content typically found in games: archaic gender role portrayals, violence, and lack of social interaction. The fourth factor pertains to the structure of the games’ interactive tasks, that is, their competitive elements.

However, empirical evidence for the explanatory value of those factors is scarce. Therefore, we report two studies that empirically examine the importance of these factors. Study 1: content factors and women’s preference for an electronic game.

Objective

Study 1 examined how game content factors affect females’ motivation to play computer games. The study specifically addressed the three content elements discussed above (sexuality-focused gender role portrayals, violence, and inclusion of social interactions). Based on previous research, we reasoned that females’ interest would be low if a given single-player computer game: involves strong and realistic violencefeatures a female protagonist who fits into common male-dominated gender stereotypes, for example by exaggeration of female body characteristics or sexually revealing clothingallows little social interaction with other virtual charactersComplementarily, we hypothesized that females would report stronger interest in a given computer game if it does not include a gender-role stereotyped protagonist, is free of violence, and permits rich social interactions with other characters.

Method

A paper-and-pencil survey was administered among 317 females aged 18 to 26 years (M= 21. 67; SD= 4. 37) recruited in schools and universities in a major German city. The sample reported an average weekly computer game playing time of one hour, 24 minutes (SD= 2 hours, 27 minutes; max = 9 hours per week). A conjoint analysis design was implemented to test the importance of the three content factors discussed above (gender role portrayal, violence, richness of social interactions). Conjoint analysis, originally rooted in consumer research, is a method designed to assess the relative impact of product attributes on individuals’ preferences and choice behavior (Hair, Tatham, Anderson, & Black, 1998). Based on theoretically established factors, a set of experimentally manipulated stimuli (e. g. , products) is presented to the respondents, who are asked to rank them according to their preference.

Subsequently, the relative impact of the underlying factors is regressed by the conjoint analysis on the basis of the observed rankings. The analysis provides two criteria (Gustafson, Herrmann, & Huber, 2000): The “part-worth utility” (or “utility score”) reflects the absolute contribution of each factor level to the summarized total utility (e. g. , overall preference) of a given product or object. The “importance score,” in contrast, reflects the range of utility scores between distinct levels of a given factor, and thus indicates how changes in factor levels lead to a change in the overall preference for a product or object.

Fictional computer game packages, along with text descriptions and small images, were presented in the questionnaire. These descriptive elements were varied to (1) promise heavy violence or the absence of violence, (2) indicate either a sexualized stereotyped role portrayal of the female protagonist or a non-stereotyped female protagonist, and (3) display either small amounts of social interactions or rich social exchange with other virtual characters. These three factors were manipulated independently in order to produce all possible combinations. Based on the conjoint analysis design, four of the eight possible combinations were selected (fractionated factorial design) and presented in the questionnaire. Figure 1 illustrates the manipulated elements; Table 1 shows how the levels of the three factors varied across the different games.