Islamophobia And Semati’S Notion Of Cultural Racism

In recent times there has been a perceptual shift on Muslims around the world; this ideological change has affected the world at large. Through historical events like 9/11, the negative ideology of Islam and Muslims has altered social and political relationships the Middle East had with other nations around the world, i.e. America. The distinction between different cultures has developed a hierarchy of acceptability that stimulates discrimination and prejudice against individuals who are of the Islamic culture. Specifically, the notion of cultural racism has assisted others to understand the shift racism has taken.

Mehdi Semati’s discussion on Islamophobia concerning the notion of cultural racism has helped analyze the negative treatment of Muslims. Semati emphasizes this wrongful behaviour through his analysis of the ‘Muslim Other’, and the racial category of ‘brown’. I generally agree with Semati’s notion of cultural racism; however, there are some aspects of his argument that are questionable. For example, it is understandable that he embraces his cultural and religious (Islam) viewpoint, but at times his bias overruled his argument. When using cultural racism to make sense of Islamophobia, an understanding of culture and the racial category of ‘brown’ can be advantageous. This being said, I challenge Semati’s argument because of his overgeneralization on the racial category of ‘brown’ and his choice of not defining culture.

This paper will critique Mehdi Semati’s analysis of Islamophobia by exploring the parameters of cultural racism, the significance of measuring Islamophobia, the use of the Muslim Other to understand Semati’s cultural bias, the advantages and disadvantages of Semati not defining culture, and the overgeneralization of the racial category ‘brown’. Semati uses Stuart Hall’s theory of race to expand his analysis Of cultural racism within his larger argument of Islamophobia. That being said, racism is no longer about biology; rather it has now shifted into the realm of culture (Semati, 2010). It is persuasive that nowadays the world has emphasized notions of cultural racism and made it a determining factor to place an individual on a hierarchy of acceptance. That being said, certain cultures are seen to be superior to others (Semati, 2010). This can be seen as a disadvantage because cultures at the lower end of the hierarchy will suffer from discrimination and prejudice. In fact, Hans Siebers and Marjolein Hj Dennissen (2015) research on cultural racism in the Netherlands supports this. Siebers and Dennissen’s (2015) research indicates that in work settings, Moroccan Muslims migrants feel discriminated against as they are depicted as being accountable for global disruption and violence, i.e. crime and terrorism. And I have found this to be true in a personal case as well; in the 1900’s the primary school (Heritage International School) my parents wanted me to attend did not allow children whose parents were not foreign missionaries. However, when the Ugandan government challenged the school in the 2000s, many other local citizens and I were able to attend primary school in 2003.

According to Semati (2010), Islamophobia is “…a way of thinking that conflates histories, politics, societies and cultures of the Middle East into a single unified and negative conception of Islam” (p.266-267). It is undeniable that Islamophobia is crucial in this argument; however, Semati avoids explaining ways one can tell if someone is Islamophobic. In contrary to Erik Bleich’s work on Islamophobia, Bleich explicitly explores ways to measure Islamophobia. Bleich (2012) describes that people around the world suffer from three weaknesses when talking and/or giving examples of Islamophobia. Through Bleich (2012) analyzing the ways someone can identify an Islamophobic individual, his readers can use these systematic measures to recognize the impact of Islamophobia in different locations, social groups, time periods, etc. If Mehdi Semati were to explore the measures of Islamophobia, his argument would be more congruent as the audience would be able to understand the different ways a person can be Islamophobic.

Additionally, through using these measures as a lens of exploring the politics behind the representation of Islam and Muslim, Semati would be successfully achieving his goal. In order for Mehdi Semati (2010) to explain the category of culture, he explains the Muslim Other in two forms. While Semati (2010) still includes these two forms, he immediately examines the limits in them and how neither one of them include politics. In this particular instance, I agree with Semati (2010) as the notion of the Muslim Other has been created and risen by politics. This is because certain global events; specifically, instances like 9/11 have fueled the mindset of powerful individuals. For example, this has led westerners to exploit their negative ideologies of Muslims through Hollywood blockbuster that repeatedly focus on 9/11 and/or famous media narratives encompassing events of 9/11 (Semati, 2010).

Through the use of 9/11 as his primary example, his readers are able to understand that the socially constructed imagery on Muslims is built from western terrorism and security concerns (Semati, 2010). Even though it is unethical that the contemporary western view on Islam is reliant on one primary event; Semati never explores the emotional reasoning (i.e. fear of an event like 9/11 occurring again) behind western concerns on Muslims. Hence, I agree with Semati (2010) as these actions led by westerners has proceeded to the exploitation of Muslims. Additionally, it is understandable that Semati does not try to sympathize with the westerners because his religion and culture have been wrongfully discriminated against. Semati (2010) finds his analysis of cultural racism of importance since he uses it to broaden his argument on Islamophobia. However, he never defines culture and uses quotation marks when referring to it. In order for Semati to emphasize how Muslims are negatively affected despite Muslim not being a racial category; it is crucial to define culture since the difference between cultures has resulted in such discrimination on Muslims today. His choice could have been purposeful as he would expect his audience to be knowledgeable on this topic. Additionally, he would have been trying to encourage different interpretations as can be advantageous that he does not explicitly define them because different readers can use their personal interpretations to make sense of his argument. On the other hand, this can be unfavourable because having different readers interpret basic keywords differently, they may all have dissimilar interpretations than what Semati would have intended for. For example, Semati (2010) highlights that his main goal is on the political representation of Islam; however, some individuals might think he is focusing on the negative imagery of Islam which is not what he is aiming for.

While Semati continues to discuss how Islamophobia is developing around the world, he explores the development of ‘brown’ as a racial category. Semati (2010) argues that ‘brown’ was once used to describe an exotic ‘other’; however, in the context of Islamophobia, he illustrates that ‘brown’ has become a signifier of the potential threat and terror by individuals from the Middle East. He supports this with examples of Middle Eastern Men flying and being suspected to undergo acts of terror and viewed as a threat to the security of other passengers (Semati, 2010). I agree with his explanation of ‘brown’ through the lens of cultural racism.

Due to the western belief that their culture is superior to the culture of Muslims, Euro-Americans have intensified their ideologies surrounding this group, resulting to a rise of cultural racism towards Muslims (Semati, 2010). However, in relation to Robert. E Washington’s (1990) work on brown racism, he demonstrates that the racial category of ‘brown’ encompasses people of the third world (i.e. Chinese, East Indians, Mestizos etc). That being said, I disagree with Semati’s overgeneralization of ‘brown’ because this racial category encompasses more individuals from various cultures than just the Middle East. In conclusion, it is undeniable that I have also benefited from analyzing Semati’s argument on Islamophobia. I broadened my knowledge of the prejudice and discrimination against Muslims beyond a media perspective. Reading his work, I was able to use his theories to make sense of my past experiences.

Regardless of his choice to not define culture and his overgeneralization of the racial category ‘brown’, Semati was able to use the notion of cultural racism in his analysis of Islamophobia to achieve his goal. Even though I still challenge Semati’s argument for the reasons discussed above; he explored the politics behind the representation of Islam and Muslim through concepts of the Muslim Other, culture, and race. For that matter, he was able to successfully show how other Muslims and himself have been wrongfully discriminated and how this behaviour should come to an end.