Negative Effects of Immigration in America: the Issue of Crime Rate


One of the most underlying controversial themes in contemporary society reveals the connection between crime and immigration. Immigration in the contemporary United States exposes heavily debated issue of public policy. Security and security concerns strongly frame this discussion. One side of the debate supports a restrictive immigration program, partly based on the premise that more immigration contributes to increased crime. The other side rejects this view, arguing that the roots of restrictive immigration policies are xenophobia and false stereotype. This paper will analytically analyze the growing body of scholarship on the association between crime and immigration and draw whatever logical assumption the evidence supports. In addition, also crime outstrips other issues, for instance immigrants taking certain jobs away from their native lands as the core reason underlying in several demands in the public for further restrictive policies concerning immigration in numerous nations.

The Relation Between Crime Rate and Immigration in the America

There are more immigrants in the United States than any other country in the world. The immigrant population is also very multicultural, with American. Immigrants represent just about every country in the world. Many studies have found important evidences about the association between crime and immigration. However, immigrants are less probable to commit detrimental acts of crimes or be imprisoned compared to native ones. Increased rates of immigration are connected with property crime and fierce rates of crime. Immigration policy is regularly more influenced through terror and bias compared to observed evidence. Although some studies show negative, positive or zero connection between immigration and violence, others provide proof of all three. Nonetheless, belief has been interpreted directly into public policy which has immensely led to control of crime a foremost objective concerning regulations of immigrants. Deportation and the physical abduction of immigrants from the nation, has persistently been major instrument in trailing the immigrant objective. Early attempts at restriction of immigrants in the American society constructed on the idea of deportation of colossal number of immigrants, not including those who were serving sentences of criminalities other places, in addition anyone whose punishment was converted in exchange for passageway to U.S.

According to Bersani, the initial-generation immigrants are less expected to be engaged in severe offenses and repeated signs of offenses than their peers. In addition, neighborhood integration and difficulties operate in distinctive ways throughout the generation status and relate to various criminal styles. The author exposes the risk of stubborn offense as greater amid individuals with increased levels of integration in underprivileged settings, predominantly amid the subsequent generation youth of the study. Nevertheless, delinquency program strategies in U.S for the immigrant youths remains still low-cut, which has been a major problem since these various youths encounter acculturative problems that rise their maladaptive risk outcomes. However, the author’s cross-sectional and quantitative study revealed a research gap concerning the differential impact of risk factors in envisaging delinquency in diverse generational positions. In addition this study was appropriate for increasing comprehension of various practitioners of delinquency and other pertinent factors such as self-control, neighborhood disorganization, delinquent peers, and climate of a school and bonding of families. Moreover, the immigrant’s influx into the U.S has continuously been a major issue since the initiation of the 20th century because of perceptions concerning the negative influence which immigrants may portray towards American society. Part of the concern emerges in the perception that there is a substantial relationship amid growth in crime rates and increases in immigration.

Martinez and Stowell reports this issue through the effects of the report entry models and a three-year census by analyzing the effects of immigration in the municipality of San Diego employing a segregated data group on racial or ethnic bases on the effects of local systematic measures collected during the period. The results show that increasing the foreign-born population over time diminishes fatal viciousness. Studies show that a large proportion of fictitious immigrants are victims of infrequent killings among whites and Latin Americans. The discoveries advocate that social ineffectiveness in profoundly immigrant towns could be immensely a purpose of economic deficit rather than customs of stability from neighborhood or system. Moreover, the author’s findings were unequivocal and precise whereby more immigrants failed to suggest increased level of homicide hence that result held across place and time.

Chin suggests that the appropriate approach is not by way of decoupling immigration away from the process of criminality, but to identify and organize the influence on criminal prosecutions of immigration status. As a matter of principle, many of the associations are justified; immigration status actually influences the criminal process. The author also points out that there is an imminent danger that status of immigration will be employed as a way of introducing racial hostility into the criminal proceedings, and the rule need to be designed to protect against such hostility. The author argues that the expulsion has been considered in the process of criminality by the courts, prosecutors, and legislatures. To avoid unwarranted deportation, such authorities can deal with noncitizen differently from a citizen. He further notes that if it is immorally biased to punish non-citizens fewer as compared to what they merit, the citizen who obliges their complete sentence has just objection. When deportation-based tolerance is unwarranted, it infringes essential punishing principle of fairness, which needs similar treatment of cases. The author further recommends that, it is reliable with broadly accepted criminal justice guiding principles and fairness to entire U.S individuals to recognize cautiously statuses of immigration within the criminal process.

According to Sydes, much of what is understood about the relationship amid crime and immigration is centered on the context of the United States. Specific situational features, however, may create different consequences of immigration and crime that do not occur elsewhere. For instance important in a state with improved mixture of ethnic communities/groups and whereby policy of immigration is considered on recruiting competent immigrants. The authors employs a modeling approach of an innovative hybrid which focuses on three census data waves and other nine years of authorized recorded crime data incident to explore the impact of immigration on vicious crime across Australian cities and other neighborhoods. However, the outcomes provide minimal evidence in which those neighbors with improved immigrant concentration that intensifies in the population of immigrant or core crime are linked with increased level of violence. The author reveals that, diversity seems to impose more problems on vicious crimes in Australian cities. However, the outcomes provide minimal evidence in which those neighbors with improved immigrant concentration that intensifies in the population of immigrant or core crime are linked with increased level of violence. The author reveals that, diversity seems to impose more problems on vicious crimes in Australian cities. Nevertheless, while these study outcomes are moderately reliable with prior United States research, whether the similarity is led to by revitalization process there is further need for exploration.

Mears' research focuses on immigration-crime relationships. Research found integration among immigrant groups in lower crime rates than in native groups. According to Mears, such strategies are not only based on limited quality evidence, but tend to have been guided by cartels, drug-traffickers and prearranged news case studies of crimes, in addition to law enforcement study. However, the connection of immigration and crime creates anxiety and uncertainty. Much attention has been given to the creation of legislation to regulate immigration-related crimes. Research shows that theoretical and empirical evidence on the nexus amid crime and immigration is minimal. Data limitations are common to research on immigration and crimes but these are more severe and compounded in research on immigration-related crime. For instance, a lot of research focuses on case studies of specific ethnic gangs or on studies of illegal immigrants. Whatever data is available, it mainly consists of official statistics on arrest and imprisonment, which often do not reflect true overall or specific crime rates. Unlike legal immigrants, illegal immigrants indeed are disproportionately embodied in the justice criminal system, this may reflect more on legal immigrants ' social capital or the places where legal immigrants live than any real differences in crime levels. Furthermore, these statistics usually do not capture immigration-related crimes that include aiding and encouraging illegal immigration or victimization of immigrants.

Miles & Cox uses the Safe Communities System to analyze the impact on crime rates of migration. The goal of this system is to facilitate individual people detained by local law prosecution for a crime is screened for immigration violations by the federal government anywhere in the country. The scholars contend that the scheduling of safe communities instigations is simply exogenous to certain rates of crime in the county and offers a model test to assess the effect of 3 criminals being detained and deported on crime. Furthermore, it enables U.S in assessing whether Secure Communities have accomplished their goal of decreasing vehement crime. That outcome is particularly important offered the enormous number of people imprisoned under the system, as well as the circumstance that the program was structured to highlight on deportation of immigrants with much higher criminal rates compared to the average rate of immigrant. According to Miles & Cox, two important questions have been connected with immigration for a long time— does immigration increase crime? Can crime be reduced by detention and deportation? According to the study, the risk of violence is lower for young people existing in neighborhoods with increased foreign-born populaces, and this reduction in risk is greater for foreign-born youth in these various communities. Secure Communities results do not decrease violent crime rates or the overall FBI composite crime rate demands concerning question on the long-standing belief that expatriating criminals are an effective strategy for crime control.

Stereotypes Around Hispanic Culture

Hagan & Palloni, research on Hispanic mythology on crime and immigration social issues reveals that, it’s projected that association of Hispanic immigrants primarily in crime concerns is fewer as compared to those of other citizens. The knowledge of sociological crime according to the author is ineffective and fragmented in correcting and challenging perceptions from the public in terms of linking crime and immigration. However, the misperceptions are propagated by reports through the government regarding increasing numbers of reported Hispanic immigrants largely in United States prisons. However, by combining the various differences, it is projected that, participation of Hispanic immigrants in crime is less than that of Americans. These fallouts impose uncertainty on the supposition that immigration impacts crime and develop criminal justice and immigration policies more transparent, which expand rates of Hispanic incarceration. Mexican immigrants are largely established to do as well and occasionally better compared to the citizens. The authors argue that, in susceptible period of crimes of early adulthood and late adolescence, the increase in imprisonments and homicides commencement in the 1960s focused further in dealing with budding number of young native, black and white Americans compared to what it happened with immigration. In addition, the scholars maintain that erroneous observations of criminal behavior and Mexican immigration are perpetuated through reports by the government of increasing number of Hispanic immigrants in American jails.

Macia-Rojas Research focuses on events leading up to the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act, which reorganized undocumented immigration as a crime and merged the regulation of immigration with crime control. According to Macia-Rojas, the act may have had less to do with immigration and more to do with the politics of crime and with the policies of mass imprisonment that dominated the national debate in the 25 years preceding the act. According to the author, it is a common and quite enduring belief that immigration raises crime, while asking if there is any evidence to support this. Modern research on immigration and crime does not support this view. The author believes that her findings require rethinking of IIRIRA's statutory requirements from law compliance goals to increase deportations to compulsory incarceration and imprisonment of immigrants and federal assumptions that have sanctioned categorizing entire groups of people as criminal in order to eliminate arrestees. The law also restricted the decisions on immigration court reviews and enacted obstacles for filing class action complaints against the naturalization service (INS) and the prior United States immigration. The author’s initial part of the analysis explores various policies of crime politics and mass incarceration of the OP under the administration of Reagan. The second part of analysis of the author emphasizes on the Democratic Party and its crime politics that re-form undocumented migration as terminated and a crime in passage of IIRIRA which is under the government of Bill Clinton. Nonetheless, according to the author IIRIRA provisions on crime thrives to shaping further debates on the association between crime and migration.

According to Bersani much of the history of this nation, the stereotype of criminal immigrants has permeated public and political discourse and continues in spite of that evidence to the contrary. The author recaps U.S of the challenging generalizing nature of collective level outcomes to connections at the individual level. The empirical evidence of the study investigating the association amid crime and immigration shows that immigration fails to sum up to crime. While individual-level research of immigrant crime connection are much fewer common, the overall story that develops from these research is reliable with that of aggregate-based research showing foreign people basically those permanent immigrants are minor engaged in crime compared to their peer natives. The author argues that concerns about crime are increasingly focused on the indirect impact of immigration on crime that highlights the criminal pursuits of immigrant children. In addition to existing information on the intersection of immigration-crime, this study questions if immigrants are engaged in crime disproportionately by way of analyzing immigrants from premature adolescence to early adulthood who offend histories. Foreign-born people have relatively low levels of crime activity during their course of life. Furthermore, it seems that immigrants have merely engrossed with their native colleagues in relation to their offense by the second generation. They established that, immigrant men and women were less energetic in terms of self-reported crime than native men and women. The police stopped the immigrants, charged them with crime and interacted with agency of criminal justice.

According to Moehling & Piehl, it depends on how one defines criminality if immigrants are more prone to crime compared to native-born immigrants. Authors argue that there is a widespread and enduring belief that immigration raises violence. Immigration and crime research today does not support this view. This study is based on data from those imprisoned for activities of crime, not undeviating crime analysis. The authors found that foreign-born individuals were more prospective to be imprisoned for negligible offenses compared to natives. It is unclear, however, whether this should be interpreted as evidence of more foreign-born crime. The belief that immigration upsurges crime is prevalent and contemporary studies concerning immigration and crime offers minimal support towards this perception. However, these early findings were challenged at the time by social scientists who questioned the reliability and analysis of the data, as well as by historians who associated violent crime patterns with the arrival of definite immigrant groups in the United States.

Papadopoulos, journal of property crime and immigration status studies on the individual-level association between property crime and immigration in Wales and England employing self-reports on crime from Justice and Crime survey. The author shows that certain models that basically account for underreporting are employed, because this is a key concern in self-reports on crime. However, the authors outcomes indicate that, the specific reported crimes is significantly underreported, however, in any case, immigrants are less probable to underreport as compared to native people. Most crucial, controlling for basic demographics and underreporting, the assessments in all diverse specifications models, despite inaccuracy, reveal that property crime and status of immigration are negatively connected. The broad perception is that, most immigrants would establish activities of crimes more appealing, because their legal opportunities to labor market are less satisfactory compared to native people. For instance, the author shows that immigrants are on average poorer and more potential to unemployment, despite that economic approach of crime approve that labor market results are significant in enlightening involvement in property crime. The author establishes that, the estimated level of association between property crime and immigration status varied across ethnic groups and diverse regions.


In conclusion, the connection amid crime and immigration remain as the most debatable concerns in our modern society. Several studies have established significant two key evidences concerning the association amid crime and immigration. Immigrants are less probable to commit severe crimes or be imprisoned compared to the native-born, and increased rates of immigration are linked with property crime and inferior violent rate of crime. Gathering more evidence and creating more detailed hypotheses will directly help to identify the circumstances under which immigration increases or decreases crime among immigrants. Nevertheless, based on IIRIRA provisions on crime, the provisions to shaping further debates on the association between crime and migration is vital.   

21 Jun 2023
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