Running Head: Progressive Dilemma Or Progressive Fallacy

Introduction

In the history of the United Kingdom, there have been various ideologies that shaped up the reforms movement and were the guiding factor information of political parties. There have been two major political ideologies and parties in the history of United Kingdom one being Liberal Party and other being Labour party, both served as an opposition to Conservative Party at various point in time especially in the 19th and early 20th century. While the liberal party was formed post the American and French revolutions and themed on the agenda of progress, labour party emerged in the late nineties and is an alliance of the social democrats and trade union and has is focused on strengthening worker’s rights with the help of state intervention (Tew, 2005). The liberal party was of progressive mindset and thus focussed on progressing and prosperity only. This mindset was an essential tool for growth and expansion of economy however the neglected, worker and labour class were doomed and always felt left out and lived in absolute misery and torrid condition. Such a state of affair gradually gave way for new movement and revolution wherein there were reforms required for labours and thus a labour party was formed whose sole goal was social welfare of labour class people.

Analysis

Thus, on one hand, we had a progressive alliance who focused on political, social and economic reforms however, the dilemma was how to do it, which is the best way to achieve the same, which political party would be in the best state to achieve the same and like that (Rogers, 2003). During the major part of the 19th century, the liberal party was always seen as the ambassador of progress and had the trust of people.

Towards the late 19th century, the world witnessed the formation of a labour party whose prime agenda was the welfare of labour and post First World War era, the charm of liberal party faded quickly as it in quest for progress, forgot the welfare agenda and thus majority were left reeling to their misery (Weinstein, 2009). Hence, gradually the labour party was being looked upon to be the main contender to challenge the Conservatives and hold electoral mandates. Initially, the agenda of labour party was minimal and modest but after the mayhem of First World War, the labour party suddenly rose to the occasion and was being looked up to be the main contender to oppose the conservatives. Now since the labour party was a strong force and entrusted one to carry on the agenda of growth and reforms, it was a situation of a progressive dilemma as the arty whose principle ideology was social reforms, was being entrusted to carry on growth agenda as well. Also for the liberals, it was a tricky situation as they to carry on growth agenda had to shake hand with labour party or rather join them. Also, due to change in mindset, the trade unions which represented labourers gradually became irrelevant and since the confluence of liberals and labourers, the fading away of socialism also started thus, the two parties with different ideologies came rather could come together once again forming a situation of ‘progressive dilemma’. Such a situation depicted progressive dilemma wherein the progressive mass had to mix with socialists or labour ideology to carry on the growth agenda (Pilgrim, 2005).

All said and done, progression is a non-negotiable tendency and thus progressive dilemma works as an essential identity in most of the economies around. With too much emphasis on progression, there is as

Progressive Fallacy has fueled more than anything, due to the growth dynamics of science and technology. Everything looks up and up, which makes progression unattainable and progress becomes inevitable. The progressive fallacy implies that science and technology can sharpen our tools but not our cultural values or ethics.

Modern Philosophy

It has become enraging attention of the 21st-century which has become progressively capturing the dilemma of the reflections. There has been a progressive dilemma of the higher immigration rate which has impressively attained and weakens the given domestic support by attaining a social-welfare program. The author David Marquand stresses upon the structural changes which have eventually occurred within the outsets of the politics that began in the 1990s. This is an impact on account of the globalization, which has caused an erosion of class identities (Nathan, 2010). There has been a steady rise in the ‘identification of the politics' which has progressively caused a continued fragmentation with respect to the party system. As such, there has been consistently caused no reconciliation in between the parties which belong to centre--left, or it would not consider a re‐examination with respect to the ‘liberal tradition' which can cause potential changes to the new synthesis belonging to the revisionist social democracy. Considering this, the Corbynism formulated a radicalized metropolitan species which exists part of the liberalism, along with the agenda of the plenty power within the Labour that eventually considers the need for the party. This also re‐engages it to be part of the traditional socially conservative values which belongs to a working class and engaging the new ‘post-liberal’ appeal. Interestingly still this broadly defines the progressive causes which exist in British politics. It considers the various overlapping strands which include the social liberalism along with the social democracy and a part of the liberal socialism—which also belong to workout and determine the address that is part of the historic failings. The author also eloquently exposes and subsequently create a new and inspiring intellectual vision which would focus on energizes that centres on the left and centre-left (McKenzie, 2006).

Findings

The author considers the Labour party which was eventually a part of the Labour interest that is not the progressive interest along with the progressive interest of the socialist which can attain an acquired capability of the ambition and considering the capacity which can capture the govern and capture the Labourist tradition that is also being prominent. Ironically, some of the parties are considered to be part of the centre-Left European parties which have been called as a social democratic along with the socialist parties. The British Labour party needs to consider part of the outset that eventually grooms the organized Labour movement (Gould, 2010). The labour party needs to be unified that drew into a European Labour movement. The Progressive intellectuals need to create a Labour party. It covers the Social Democratic Federation along with the Fabian Society and even the Independent Labour Party that were part of the first affiliated organizations. This is also a part of the comparison which needs to make it part of trade unions. The source of funds considers it a party, which contributed by the MPs. Subsequently, the party even makes it a part of the new constitution. The idea was propounded in 1918 making it part of the progressive intellectuals, considering it part of the Webbs, that are even influential and making them a part of the long-term socialist goals. As per Clause IV that ensured steps making them part of the equitable distribution along with the common ownership as a part of means of production, distribution, and exchange. This is the best obtainable system that relates to the popular administration along with the making of the control part of industry or services. Making it part of the constitution also formulated a dominant role with respect to the trade unions within the party and put in the key committees (Fernando, 2002). This formulates the part of the control of Conference along with the policy-making which can make it a part of the block vote. Subsequently, also internal management makes it party depended that can formulate an alliance and part of parliamentary leadership.

The MP and the leaders formulate a part of the largest 2 unions. It entitles the radical intellectuals making it part of the full story of the individual members within the scope of the party which was kept a part of the control. There has been an internal party democracy which considered a one member having one vote. This would make it a part of the threatened position within the trade unions. There would also be a Labour party that would consider a conceived organization which form two wings making it part of the industrial wing along with a political wing. There have also been progressive intellectuals were making it a prominent part of the latter in comparison to the former. This also holds wings forming a successful Labour leadership. It was found that the Labour formed a parliamentary opposition with respect to the Conservatives in 1918 (Campbell, 2012). This was an extension which eventually caused a team of men over 21 along with women who were aged 30 which have made it part of the constructive progressive coalition that has challenged Conservatives. There was also a British electoral system that constituted the part of the post that essentially considers it part of parties along with constructing abroad that make it essentially part of the competitive UK along with winning a parliamentary majority. This was also strategically part of the new democratic era that essentially considered it part of 1918 and aligning it to be a Conservatives that have proved it to be highly successful while forming a coalition towards the system of the Centre Right along with the cases of win power within the Westminster. during the formation of the 26 elections that considered it a part of the universal suffrage making it a conceded it to be a Conservative party that has considered it form governments that eventually consider it part of 15 of them. This has formed an office making it part of the two-thirds of the time. There are also progressive intellectuals making it part of Labour party, like that would consider it to be part of the universal suffrage that entitles it to deliver per the permanent Labour rule. There has also been an expectation which needs to be confounded. There is also part of the Conservatives which have remarkably resilient that have eventually that have defeats, that is made part of the renew coalition. This would form shape the constitution making it a reflection interest (Bogg, 2010). Even the Labour has formed a part of the challenge which was formulated as Conservatives making it part of 1945, 1966 and 1997 that has formed a significant majority that has evolved around the New Labour period making it win two or more subsequent part of full parliamentary terms consecutively. Eventually, it evolves during the initial years of the Conservatives that covered the 1931-1945; 1951-1964; and 1979-1997.

Conclusion

This tends to make it part of the Progressive Dilemma that has eventually failed to deliver to match its promise. This is considered to be part of one main reason making it narrowness and considering it to be a coalition Labour which forms a coalition that makes the Liberal Party during the nineteenth century (Barker, 2010). As during the party formation and coalition in the nineteenth century resulted in the political circumstances making it part of an electoral coalition that makes it different. But as per the thoughts shared from the Marquand stems on the narrowness and making it a political appeal that is dependent on the Labour interest. This often delivers with the bedrock support that forms a part of 3 country that entitles it to be the tight link which forms a working-class identity along with the voting Labour. Eventually, it does not consider it to be part of the world of labour that has resulted in the identification of labour interest. Making it a Labour that causes Labour interest. This forms an Organised Labour making it part of the Labour party. Even the parties formed during the Britain 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s did not relate to the world of organized Labour. Eventually, they had different interests and identities. As discussed by J. B Priestly discovered how the world of Labour would not be reaching.

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