Varanasi: System of Manikarnika Ghats
Maharaja Mangal Singh of Alwar Estate, Rajasthan, built the Manokameshvara Temple in 1895, on the roof of his residential quarter. The porches are well decorated and represent the mature work of stone carving. There are gates in all four directions of the inner sanctum. There are beautiful images of Shiva, Ganesha, and Parvati. To reach this temple, one has to pass through the residential quarter, which many times are unpleasant.
Close to the bank is the Maheshvara linga in the open air. On the right one can see a temple slowly leaning into the Ganga. Since the early 19th century this temple has been standing in the same way. Close to it is Chakrapuskarini (‘Lotus-Pool’) or Manikarnika Kunda, a sacred water pool. According to puranic mythology Shiva’s crest-jewel (Mani-) and his wife Parvati’s earring (-karnika) fell off into the sacred pool, hence the name Manikarnika. According to a puranic myth long before the Ganga arrived at the heels of Bhāgiratha, the Chakrapuskarini Kunda was present. Presently the Kunda surrounded by a cast-iron railing, is some 18.3 sq m (197 sq ft) at the top, narrowing to about 6.1 sq m (66 sq ft) at the water’s edge. The kunda represents the world’s first pool, which was dug out at the dawn of time and filled with the sacred water of Lord Vishnu’s perspiration. Vishnu and Lakshmi images are located in the small shrine inside the Kunda on the western wall; while a series of dozen small niches containing Shiva lingams also exit there. Along the sacred route, on the ghāṭ itself, are the symbolic-holy footprints of Vishnu (Charana-Paduka), set in a circular marble slab. Through the centuries millions of devout Hindus have sprinkled it with the holy Ganga water and adorned it with flowers.
Each year when the river Ganga recedes, the water leaves a huge mass of alluvial silt in the Chakrapuskarini Kunda. When flood and water recede, gradually the excavation and reclamation of the silt begins and is completed by Shivaratri (the new-moon day of February- March). On this occasion a great celebration takes place here, commemorating the marriage of Shiva – Shivaratri. This kund is identified as of special heritage value and is under a heritage-inclusive development program.
Queen Ahilyabai Holkar of Indore built the temple Tarakeshvara (‘Lord of Crossing’) in 1795, on a rectangular plan. The temple is structured with the base of six pillars. At the entrance is the image of Ganesha. In the inner sanctum, in a vessel is a four-headed Shiva lingam. Like the Banaras style of Panchayatana temple, here also are the images of Surya, Durga, Ganesha, and Vishe in the four corners. This Shiva image, in the forenoon decorated with a five-headed mask made of bronze, provides liberation to the departed soul by putting sacred verses in the ears. Tarakeshvara is propitiated after the completion of cremation rites. This temple is assumed to be the replica of the famous shrine, about 62-km northwest of Kolkata.
The raised platform attached to the Ghāṭ is used for death anniversary rituals. A little over 30,000 corpses are cremated annually in Banaras of which about 28,000 are cremated at Manikarnika cremation Ghat, and the rest at Harishchandra Ghat in the south. Cremating a dead body consumes on average about 5 quintals (500kg) of wood. Every dead body gets registered at the nearby office, followed by the negotiations and bargaining with the funeral priest (Dom) who gives the sacred fire for the funeral. Towering over the Manikarnika Ghāṭ, there is a Siva-Durga temple of Raja of Amethy (Oudh; now Uttar Pradesh). Built-in ca 1850 by the king of Amethy (Awadh, Uttar Pradesh), this Shiva-Durga temple is distinct with its five deep-red spires and gilded pinnacles. The temple is on a raised ground, 3.5m high from the nearby bank.
On the right side of the entrance is a fine bronze lion of Durga, and on the left Shiva’s bull. In the inner sanctum is the image of Mahisasuramardini. In the different portions of the temple, there are images of the forms of Vishnu, like Varaha, Narasimha, Balarama, Krishna, and also are the goddess images of peacock riding, Vina carrying, and lion riding. Nowhere on the wall, there is any image of Shiva. There are many images depicting the life incidences of Krishna. The temple is an example of the Panchayatan style, the center as the core and four other attached temples at the four corners. The quiet and cleanliness inside are a relief from the bustle, sloppiness, dirt, and somewhat sordid atmosphere of more popular Banaras shrines.
What Is Mythology?
India is unique in its socio-cultural and socio-economic structure. And it becomes more interesting when it comes to Varanasi. After observing the place along with various interactions with the people located in its active sociological periphery, this research found that this city had embraced its mythologies to such an extent that it has resulted in the preservation of is earlier ethos and values. But the most incredible fact about this embracement comes from its tendency to benefit the components, i.e, the microcosm(human beings) on ghats and the macrocosm ( the spiritual face of the city of Varanasi ) and the whole urban structure in which its exists. The entire economy of Varanasi rests on the perpetuation and beliefs in its mythological premises. These beliefs engender and propagate the faith in Hinduism and salvation and engender a prosperous economy, which research refers to as mythology. Mythonomy as a word signifies is the combination of two words myth and economy.
One of the myths of Varanasi, i.e., Varanasi is the center of the earth and the most sacred place, here whatever exists is higher than the same thing existing somewhere else. It is actually the character of the ghat that makes everything high without any prior intentions.
Varanasi is a city, great and sacred not because it is actually so, but because the banarasis think it to be. The socio-culture arena of the place tells us that the idea of the Hindu caste system still works on the ghats which constitute the social relations between the people. Like there has always been a relationship between the upper caste Brahmins and lower-caste mullahs. That results into a conflict of interest in which they usually show their respective presence justifies and authentic with the help of myths, which even sometimes they reinvent for dominating over the other.
Interface Between the Socio-Economic Actors of Manikarnika Ghat and the Mythology
Boatmen and the mythology
Boatmen in Varanasi have been one of the traditional yet very powerful economic players on the ghats of Varanasi. Some accounts suggest that they majorly belong to the Mallah Caste that belong to the lower order in the Hindu Caste System. Mallah caste is thought primarily to be in the Boat occupation but that is only a partial truth. From Crook’s study, it is obvious that this caste practices a variety of occupational traits like; cultivation on the river banks, palanquin carriers, and building. But what is generally agreed is that a vast majority of the Mallah caste in Varanasi is occupied in the occupation of Boating even after the globalization and liberalization and urbanization in Indian society post-1991. Mallah caste in general is considered to be an inferior caste, with poor dietary habits and savage practices.
Past accounts tell us that there were several incidents when the boatmen were found t looting the wealth of the British Government in India, sometimes with a nationalist intention while sometimes even with a mischievous frame of mind. But that prejudice has not still vanished from the minds of the locals, even the police and the city authorities that Mullahs are criminal-minded. This gives them a reason to use myths and tales for propagating their financial aspirations through their occupation amidst the hostile environment of the urban system of Varanasi. It becomes imperative for the boatmen community in Varanasi, that is basically drawn from the Mallah caste to advance their occupation by taking help of the myths related to the city. But the major myth that sustains the identity of the boatmen in Varanasi and justifies their presence on the ghats is as follows;
This myth highlights the powerful notion of being boatmen with many perspectives. Firstly, it is imperative to understand that when Kevat says that Rama is his fellow boatman, the foundations of low caste and the divine God are erased. This is how the boatmen community tends to gain the self-confidence of not being less from anyone in the socio-cultural hue of the ghats. This is how they claim their profession to be very near to that of Gods. This is how they justify their existence not just as a petty economic entity but as a part of the socio-cultural entity that was present (according to the myth) even in the days of Rama when the earth was pure and true. This myth also gives a justification to Mallahs the reason for their being in the waters of Ganga in Varanasi. It also provides them an answer for combating the alleged title of being criminal and savage-minded. This myth serves as a lifeline to the boatmen of Varanasi.
Doms and the Mythonomy
Doms are considered as untouchables and lie in the lowest strata of the Indian caste system. Along with the Mallah caste (of Boatmen) who were are also considered as the Criminal Tribe since the British Raj in India. Doms in Varanasi, work on the cremation ghats of Raja Harishchandra and Manikarnika. Their continuous involvement with the dead creates a question about their civilized identity amongst many. Not only in Caste but the conditions of Doms is also very pathetic when looked upon through certain indicators of human development. Nationwide, they are recognized with the community having low rate of literacy and income level. However, the Doms in Varanasi are lucky enough to have a mythological backbone, which gives them a fair amount of return through their occupation.
As it has been stated earlier that like the Mullahs, even the Doms have to face the daily challenges of preserving their self-identity and economic well-being. Amidst the environment in which untouchable Doms have nothing politically or socially in their favor, the Mythonomy comes into action. Like the Boatmen, even the doms of Varanasi ghats coexist in hostile situations by with the justifications of mythologies that provide them an exclusive identity, which neither the Brahminical discourse nor has the Hindu Caste system been able to evade. The myth goes like this:
A Brahmin Vishwamitra asked King Harishchandra, in his generosity, to give Vishwamitra his entire kingdom and all he owned. Having accepted, Vishwamitra still pressed the king for the token Rajasuya Dakshina, but Harishchandra had nothing left to give him. Rather than break his promise, the king came destitute to Kashi, where he sold his wife and son into slavery and sold himself into bondage to work on the cremation grounds under a Dom (an untouchable caste) in order to pay the fees. He did not see his loved ones until the day his wife, worn with hardships, came to the cremation ground carrying her son's body. He died of snakebite, and she had not even a blanket to cover his corpse. The testing of Harishchandra, like that of the biblical Job, proved the strength of his character, even in the worst times. In the end, the gods rewarded him and restored his throne and his son to him.
The above myth also justifies the superiority or the authenticity of the Doms in their occupation around the cremation ghats. Especially in today’s time when there is a call for electric cremation chambers and Ganga cleanliness campaigns, the above myth saves the future employability prospects for the Doms in Varanasi who are considered to be criminal-minded by the powerful ruling authorities. In that respect, we must analyze the power of these myths with their tendency to have an impact over the income of the Doms.
Marijuana Traders and the Mytho-nomy
Varanasi, the city of Shiva, copies its Lord in a certain manner. This eventually from time immemorial has given birth to a certain type of trade and economy. The economy of Marijuana, Beads, and Jewelry. Though the scale of this economy is not so complex and is far much simpler than the above two occupational traits. this study does not aim to criticize or approve the existence of this Marijuana economy. The trade of Marijuana, though driven primarily by the human tendencies (of taking drugs) but the unique part of it in Varanasi is this that it is justified on the ghats under the pretext of Lord Shiva taking the Soma-Rasa. This is a matter of debate between two schools of thought that actually how different or how same the Soma-Rasa is with the Marijuana, but one thing is crystal clear that even its traders know the importance of the mythology to keep up the pace of their mini-economy. Along with this, this group of sellers also tend to justify their position and occupation as a legal one that could be seen as an attempt to find and preserve their identity.
Brahmins and the Mythonomy
It is not the case that only the community belonging to the lower caste (Mullahs and Doms) or alternative occupation (such as Marijuana Traders) needs the mythological justification for the preservation of its identity and in achieving its socio-economic goals.8 Even the community of upper strata, both in terms of caste and economy, needs a certain historical justification to spread and maintain its hegemonic domination, as we can see in the cases of the Brahmins in Varanasi. Brahmins around the ghats have their seats on the steps from which they carry on their ceremonial dealings and religious advice. The traditional guidelines of Varanasi is known to be the one designed and executed from the Brahminical perspectives. Through this domination over-explaining the knowledge of scriptures and religious texts, which largely comprises of myths, Brahmins attained in Varanasi a position that is central in all the spheres. From socio-economic to socio-cultural arenas, everything on the ghats seems to be favorable to the Brahminical hegemony.
As stated earlier, even though the Brahmins occupy a powerful social status in Varanasi they face a stiff challenge from the communities who have a strong presence on the ghats, i.e. Mullahs and Ghatwars (Boatmen community) and even the Doms. For example, during the ritual of Ganga Puja (a ceremony after the wedding), the boatmen community have been granted the authority of executing the role of a priest. This in some way overrules the authority of Brahmanism that rests on the premise that only a Brahmin priest could officiate any religious ceremony. In that case it becomes imperative for the Brahmins to strengthen their area of operation on the ghats. Through their claims of historical employment in temples for ages and about their holy birth from Lord Brahma’s mouth, Brahmins tend to hold their seat in the socio-economic hierarchy .9With such attempts of saving one’s socio-cultural identity, it gives the ancient ethos a rejuvenation which in turn helps to sustain the whole socio-economic landscape. Due to this sense of co-existence amidst the fear of continuous sustainability, the ancient form of Varanasi is still alive. The ritual economy having its base in the myths and tales of the land gives all the components a chance to develop their identity in order to sustain or enhance their objectives. It is done sometimes with the help of the myths that really are, whereas sometimes with the one that have to be manufactured.
Conclusion
Through this study, it has been found that the Manikarnika ghats of Varanasi situated along the river Ganges have a system in which the various components make use of the local myths and tales in order to advance their respective socio-economic objectives. To an outsider who comes to the city for a pilgrimage on the sacred ghats, these complexities are not easily visible. This is because the complexities have actually penetrated so well into the social system in and around the ghats that merely by a superficial glance it becomes impossible to find out their existence.
While seeking information it was found that though the ghats have been dominated by the Brahminical discourse since ages, there is some resistance present, from the lower caste communities like the Doms (workers on the cremation ghats) and Mullahs (boatmen). Through their mythological convictions and justifications, some real and some manufactured, these groups have been registering a very powerful presence in the socio-economic arena of the ghats in Varanasi since ages. But the myths are not just a means to resist the Brahminical, according to the observation and findings of this study, it is found that these groups have actually used the myths and folktales to develop their own sense of identity, hence authenticating and validating their presence on the ghats.
Along with solving the problems of the separate identity of the working class near the ghats, these myths have also helped, since time immemorial, to enhance the economic objectives of their community. With the help of their identity found in the ethos, these communities have been able to claim their space for work and jurisdiction on certain occupations of the ghats.
The hypothesis that myths do influence the socio-economic structure on the ghats of Varanasi, was proved in my research and interactions with the various elements in the city. It was found that the exclusivity in terms of religious sanctity of the ghats in Varanasi was generated by the perpetuation and propagation of the myths related to the region. And it is due to that exclusivity, that the socioeconomic components in the ghats tend to benefit more from it. This symbiotic relationship between religion and the marketplace, between spirituality and business benefits both. The myths become real when people believe them to be so. With this it was found that the myth of ‘Kevat’ has the capability to provide exclusive identity and justification to the Mallah caste only when they themselves believe in that myth. In the same manner, nothing sacred on Manikarnika ghat would exist, even for a day if the Doms deny the belief in the Salvation or Lord Shiva. The key point is that while the myth provides authentication to many of the lower caste groups in Banaras for generating their income, it is the belief and faith of those communities that preserve and glorify those myths from time to time. If those myths are alienated from the socio-economic structure of the ghat, not only would the myth face its death but also the entire socio-economic structure as well.
By understanding this interface of mythologies and livelihood a conclusion is reached that even the hegemonic groups present in a certain socio-economic structure benefit from the mythologies by either modifying it or by reinventing it in order to suit their interest. This is why the Brahmins of the ghats (the powerful group) have been using the myths to justify their superiority in the whole area. Contrapuntally even the Doms, Mullahs, and Kahars have been using the myths to justify their socio-economic exclusivity on the ghats in Varanasi.
