Various Sociocultural Factors Pertaining To English Education In Japan
Introduction
Recently, more and more Japanese industries have started to require candidates to possess practical English abilities and many students are keen on raising their English proficiency test scores. This desire for increased English proficiency is evidenced by the private English teaching industry which has been estimated to generate more than 1 billion U.S. dollars annually. Yet, despite this increased focus on English in the workplace, all of the many spent annually, and various efforts made by the Japanese government to increase the overall English ability level in Japan, test levels are not only failing to improve, some data suggests that they are actually getting worse. A recent example of this can be seen when looking at the 2017 TOEFL iBT test and score data summary.
Of the thirty-six countries listed under Asia in the breakdown of scores classified by the geographic region, Japan has the joint lowest score, tied with Afghanistan, meaning that Japan and Afghanistan have the lowest TOEFL iBT scores in Asia. These low test scores are not a new issue in Japan, in fact as Kowner notes, towards the end of the 1990s Japanʼs rank sank to 180th among 189 nations taking the TOEFL test. The fact that a country investing billions of dollars annually into English education is, on paper at least, showing little to no improvement in terms of measurable English language ability is clearly indicative of a continuing issue that Japan faces with regard to English. Reesor (2003, p.57) even goes so far as to state that ‘For many years, Japan has been held up as a poster child for industrialized countries that have been largely unsuccessful in regards to English language education’. Although it would difficult to give a definitive answer as to why Japan faces such problems with English, Reesor (2003, p.57) has suggested that ‘attitudinal factors have had a large influence over how and why English has been disseminated in Japan’. He goes on to posit that ‘socio/psycholinguistic factors’, are important areas of research when considering why Japan’s English ability level continues to stagnate.
The importance of sociocultural factors on language learning is suggested by Dörnyei (2011, p.30) when he outlines the increasing focus on more contextually-orientated motivation, and the push to broaden analysis of motivation through sociocultural models of learning. As ‘motivation is undoubtedly an important factor in foreign language learning success’, the correlation between attitude and motivation could indeed be said to be of great importance. This paper will focus on various sociocultural factors pertaining to English education in Japan. Through contrast and comparison of existing research with a focus on attitudes and motivation in a variety of Japanese learning environments, the paper will aim to determine to what degree attitudes affect motivation, and what implications this may have on English language learning in Japan. It will start by assessing contrasting viewpoints surrounding the issues outlined above in order to establish why this research is important, before examining existing studies with the hope of developing an idea as to why these issues continue to impact the study of English in Japan.
Literature Review
- Positive attitudes
- Negative Attitudes
- Cultural Factors
Teeter (2007, p.2) notes the importance of attitude and motivation towards learning a new language, even going as far as to suggest they are ‘considered predictors of second language learning achievement’. This could mean that a better understanding of typical attitudes towards English in Japan may be of great help when trying to examine how attitudes are affecting motivation, helping to illuminate the issues surrounding the current state of English education in Japan. Mckenzie (2010) also acknowledges the important correlation between attitudes and language learning success. He states that, ‘in the case of Japan, learners who held positive attitudes towards English were most likely to succeed in acquiring the language’. He goes on to state that according to various studies the majority of Japanese leaners have positive attitudes towards the English language, and that the language appears to Enjoy a certain prestige in Japan (2010, p.64). Ryan (2009) offers a similar opinion in relation to the largely positive perception of English in Japan. He states that young people in Japan often regard English as “cool” and “fashionable”, and that English-speaking cultures are often thought of as “attractive”. However, he goes on to suggest that ‘much of the evidence for the fashionability of English comes from individuals expressing an individual preference or interest in certain cultural products, often in marked contrast to the main social body’. This is an interesting distinction, as Ryan is suggesting that although the results of the research are showing people to have positive attitudes toward English, he believes this is only personal preference, and that in fact, the general perception of English may not be entirely that positive. This is likely due to the samples used in the research referenced by both Mckenzie (2010), and Ryan (2009) being mostly comprised of students, and in some cases English majors. This may offer an unrepresentative view of the overall attitudes of people in Japan. In fact, Kosio (2003 p.96) raises the issue that the research on motivation in adult English learners in Japan is quite limited, furthering the idea that samples with that feature a broader range of age are needed to create a more accurate idea of the general consensus towards English.
Reesor (2003) offers further insight into the idea that, in fact, attitudes towards English, and English speakers may not be wholly positive. He contends that any discussion of the attitude of Japanese people towards in English is, ‘best viewed within the multifaceted context of history along with identifiable social, and cultural events that have shaped the attitudes prevalent today. He suggests that historically English has been primarily viewed as a means to learn more about other countries and cultures, and to understand foreign technologies, and scientific breakthroughs. In other words, historically speaking, English was not viewed as a tool for international communication, but rather as a means to assist Japanese people in learning more about the outside world, focusing on English as a tool for further learning, not communication. This could explain why many schools in Japan still teach using mainly grammar-translation methodologies. With regards to Japanese speakers of English within Japan, Reesor (2003), based on research carried out by Inoguchi states suggests that, ‘proficient English language speakers face discrimination in the workplace, and in fact, examples of discrimination based on advanced English proficiency can be found throughout Japanese society’. This discrimination is said to also extend to the children of Japanese people who have been living in foreign, English-speaking countries. He says that they, ‘often face bullying, slurs and ostracization upon their return to Japanese schools on account of their English language skills. This is a stark contrast to the research carried out by McKenzie (2010), and Ryan (2009) who mostly reported that Japanese people have positive attitudes towards English. An important distinction here is that Reesor is discussing Japanese speakers of English. Eluding to the fact that Japanese, and non-Japanese English speakers are somehow viewed differently in Japanese society, with non-Japanese English speakers enjoying a more positive experience with regards to their English ability.
Johnson and Johnson (2010) theorize that a mixture of Japanese cultural norms, and negative experiences relating to English could explain how negative attitudes towards English are formed in Japan. They suggest that many students suffer from a form of “language learning trauma” that typically starts in junior and senior high school and is carried forward into university. They go on to explain that this trauma is evidenced by low self-esteem, and negative self-appraisal arising from negative experiences, including being humiliated by teachers in the classroom, and suffering through grammar and vocabulary based pedagogies targeted at university entrance tests. These issues are compounded by Japanese ‘modesty norms, and a culturally-derived fear of making mistakes in front of others’, ‘resulting in language learning anxiety and demotivation.
Research Methods
A systematic literature review was carried out in order to compile as much data relating to the research question as possible in order to create as broad a picture of the issues as possible. The data for this study was collected by first collecting as many studies relating to attitudes and motivation in Japan as possible, through the use of the Sunderland university library, Google scholar, web-based journals, and Google searches. The searches were carried out using the various combinations of the keywords “attitude”, “motivation”, “English”, and “Japan”. The results were then screened by first excluding any papers that were published before the year 2000. This year was chosen in order to keep the research relevant without being too limiting in regards to the scope of the research. The eligibility of the papers was then assessed by credibility of the source of the research, with papers from journals, in-house university publications, language learning publishers, and well-known publishers being included. Finally, after several in-depth readings of each research paper, they were assessed on their relevance to the research topic, and in the case of papers featuring original research, the reliability of their samples, and methodology.
In accordance with the inclusion criteria outlined above, a total of 17 appropriate studies were identified. 11 of the studies included original research, and the remaining 6, did not contain any original research, as they themselves were also literature reviews, containing systematic reviews of a great deal of pertinent data. Finally, with regard to any potential ethical issues, the research presented in this study has been fully referenced in order to avoid plagiarism. The work has also been represented fairly, and is presented in such a way as to not alter the original author’s views and opinions.
Results
A chart containing the combined sample size of the 11 studies containing original research is shown below: All of the sample data presented in the above chart was attained through the use of questionnaires. The 6-point Likert scale was the most popular format for the questionnaires being employed in five of the included papers. Two papers used custom 5-point scales, three relied on custom questionnaires included a mixture of self-reporting, closed, and open questions, and one relied on data provided by a self-study app.
Each paper provided a great deal of important data, containing some interesting insights into the issue. Due to the variations in data collection methods, direct comparisons were not possible. However, after collating the results, analyzing them against all of the 17 studies included in this project, and reviewing all of the data systematically, it became clear that there were a number of issues that could be seen in many of the papers. It could therefore be suggested that these recurring issues are the most common issues relating to the problem of attitudinal factors, and their impact on motivation. These themes have been arranged into the four categories in order to compile the data, and to facilitate comparisons. The categories are: teachers, examinations, goals, and communities.
Discussion
- Teachers
- Examinations
- Goals
Sawada (2015, p.35) identifies the importance of teachers in forming attitudes, and suggests that teachers can play an important role in enhancing learners’ motivation by working to create comfortable classroom environments, interesting material, and engaging classes. Kimura, Nakata and Okumura (2001, p.36) stress how important this is, when they state that ‘those who have had negative experiences due to poor teachers or teaching may have high negative anxiety. Such learners may be inactive in class and may have lost interest in learning the foreign language’. They go on to note that the role of the teacher is especially important in non-ESL settings like Japan. They state that ‘unlike in ESL contexts, where learners are exposed to the target language outside of class, teachers in the Japanese EFL context tend to be the main provider of English due to the absence of a target language community’, and therefore, ‘may have a greater influence on their learners in both positive and negative ways’.
Teeter (2017, p.6) found that students also 'attribute their demotivation to disappointment in performance, course content and pace, and teacher’s pedagogical approach’. The majority of the data gathered highlighted the negative effect of bad teaching, while the positive effects of good teaching were not discussed nearly as frequently. This could suggest that negative experiences lead to stronger feelings when forming attitudes, strengthens the observations mentioned above, and further highlights just how important English teachers are in the formation of attitudes towards English in Japan.
Johnson and Johnson (2010), showed that motivation increases the closer students are to entrance exams. As such, participants showed an increase of motivation during the 3rd year of Junior high school, and the 3rd year of high school. They also reported that 46 respondents identified entrance exams as the main motivational factor in the 3rd year of junior high school. This data could suggest that passing entrance examinations is the sole purpose for many students studying English. It also highlights the importance of instrumental motivation for Japanese students. This reliance on entrance exams for motivation is problematic, because, as noted by Kelly (2005, p.40), ‘for Japanese university students, once an instrumental goal, for example passing an entrance exam is achieved, motivation quickly dwindles’. This could mean that intrinsic motivation is not common among Japanese students, and unless they are studying for an entrance exam, they also do not possess any instrumental motivation. With no motivation to study English it is natural that ability level would stagnate, possibly contributing to the situation that Japan is currently in with regards to its poor English performance.
In order to combat dwindling motivation following entrance exams, Kelly (2005) notes the importance of establishing goals. Kimura, Nakata and Okumura (2001, pp.61-62) suggest that instead of setting short term goals, such as entrance exams, if learners find a goal that is continuous, ‘it seems possible that an instrumental motivation would also continue to be effective’. This could be achieved by setting personal goals, which are specific and clear. This is confirmed by Atsuta (2003, p.5) who states that, 'successful learners of English have specific goals’. It is important that these goals are attainable, as Takala, (2015, p.341) notes the more probable that students consider their success to be, the higher their motivation is. Success in language learning is important to attitudes towards that language as confirmed by McKenzie (2010, p.63) when he states that, ‘students who both liked English as a school subject and perceived that they were making progress in the language were most likely to hold positive attitudes towards long-term English study’.
Another problem, that is prevalent in Japan in relation to language learning goals is that of the native speaker as model for correct English use. Despite the rise of English as a Lingua Franca, ‘the emphasis on native speakers and native culture in Japan might have caused the Japanese learners to set unrealistic learning goals’
In order to combat this schools in Japan need to place a greater emphasis on promoting varieties of English, this could be achieved through increased contact with English speaking communities. 5.4 English Speaking Communities: Takala (2015, p.350) states that Interactions with English speaking communities, and the active utilization of language skills will enhances students’ confidence, which ‘one constituent of motivation’. Positive interactions with the community of the target language, in this case English are shown to help create positive attitudes towards the target language, and therefore increase motivation to learn. This is first confirmed by Adachi, (2009, p.137) who states that, ‘these attitudes have a strong relationship with attitudes toward English and motivational intensity. Then furthered by McKenzie (2010, p.63) who states that ‘attitudes towards long-term English study were positively correlated with the expression of an interest in other cultures and a desire to communicate with non-Japanese’. A desire for cross-cultural communication, is therefore an invaluable tool for fostering positive attitudes towards English in Japan, and should have, in one way or another, promoted a certain level of integrative motivation among the learners, so why is this not seen in the context of Japanese EFL classroom?. The first difficulty that learners face is a lack of contact with English speaking communities. For the average leaner in Japan there are few opportunities to have contact English speaking communities. Currently, only 1.95 percent of the population of Japan is made up of immigrants, and amongst that 1.95 less than 1 percent are English speakers. Although these figures are increasing, it is still not enough for learners to easily interact English speaking communities. Another major hinderance to cross-cultural communication, as suggested by Tan and Chia (2015) is that Japanese students are not taught the skills to use English communicatively. They acknowledge that, ‘ the main source of motivation in L2 learning among the Japanese students seems to be communicating with English speakers of other nationalities’, but goes on to posit that, ‘In the conventional Japanese ESL classroom, lessons are designed to train students to pass university entrance examination’ (p.44).
Ryan (2009) also echoes this sentiment when he states that, ‘English learning in Japan actually has little to do with contact with people from other cultures, being focused wholly around the role of English in the labyrinthine examination system’. These statements once again relate back to the influence of entrance exams on the use of English in Japan.
Conclusion
The data analyzed foe this research paper would suggest that there is a link between attitudes towards a target language, and motivation to learn that language. The way in which these opinions are formed is multi-faceted, and complex in nature, yet as seen in this paper there are some themes that appear to be common amongst Japanese learners. Arguably the biggest influence is Japan’s reliance on English as a subject for tests. Within the four categories outlined above, exams, and specifically entrance exams feature prominently as a hinderance in the study of English. Although they provide short bursts of instrumental motivation, as seen in the data, the negatives far outweighs the positives. An argument could even be made that many of the bad teaching experiences described by the students could stem from the teacher having no choice but to only teach English for exams. This has created a problem in Japan where leaners are aware that English can be used to be communicatively, but are never taught the skills to do, have no chance to use English, and therefore English just becomes another test subject and nothing more. Although questionnaires allow for much larger sample sizes, due to the subjective nature of the topic if further research were to be carried out, more qualitative research methods, such us personal interviews may yield more detailed responses in order to provide further insight into the phenomenon.
