Wretched Of The Earth Manuscript
Fanon articulates that in most cases "the struggle against oppression is rooted in the hope found in nationhood". Unfortunately, "when the liberation struggle is caught up nationhood solely, the newly independent country is doomed as the incoming leaders will be formerly colonized bourgeoisie”, which he refers to as the "national bourgeoisie "(Fanon 97). It seems natural that they would assume authority following independence, however they are "ill prepared and not intimately connected or able to relate to the people".
A combination of the colonization of their minds and a “desire for wealth and imitating Western bourgeoisie makes them incompetent of envisioning and innovating a healthy future for the country" (98). "Because of the lack of leadership and incompetency of the national bourgeoisie to link their nationalistic ideas to reason" and practical application, "the newly independent country shifts from a identifying as a nation to an ethnic group once again" (97,98). According to Fanon, :the national bourgeoisie of underdeveloped countries are themselves underdeveloped” in that they have not been prepared to lead the country and suffer from a longing to be like “Western bourgeoisie”. The national bourgeoisie “spent most of its time before independence refuting its status as bourgeoisie and convincing the people of the revolution that they are on their side” and represent the people (98). In the end, "they abandon their people and make their own selfish ambitions the goals of the country" (99). When they ascend to power, a combination of their "economic understanding as well as well as the poor economy is severely limiting and the national bourgeoisie operate as business men instead of captain” (98). "Because the economy is comprised of resources produced from the earth, it has always been regulated and created outside of their awareness, they are not experts on the topics". Therefore, they cannot speak specifically to these resources in order to capture a plan concerning them. "They do not possess the skills to manage and find themselves in a severely limited position".
In an attempt to achieve anything, "they decide to focus on emphasizing products originating locally. This proves to be the most profitable option for the country and for themselves” (99). "Although the country is now independent, the country does not find itself headed in a new direction, but the same one, producing the same goods, investing in the same industries, and continuing to be known as a “master of raw products useful to Europe”. This is fine with leaders as "nationalization in their perspective simply means the indigenous hands inherit the control of the country from the colonists”. There is no means to innovate. The limitations regarding economic resources result in "the control of all foreign companies, which profits them. They cloak capitalism in their nationalistic and neo-colonistic ideals so that they can achieve their dream of imitating the western bourgeoisie in their final stages” (100,101). These countries are transformed into "resorts with the intention of pleasing and impressing the Western bourgeoisie, who in turn help the national bourgeoisie financially”. Therefore, although the people of the country are in the same or similar position that they were in before independence, “tourism becomes a major industry in the country". The country become internationally known as a paradise. "The young girls of these nations become the highlight of vacations of westerners" and simultaneously victims of their country’s incompetent leadership (102). This happens because the “national bourgeoisie is lacking in creative possibilities of how to progress the nation". “National Landowners”, referred to as the “landed bourgeoisie”, operate in a similar fashion of prioritizing their selfish ambitions by "advocating their privileges, which they inherited when the colonizers left, be upsurged". They refuse to take “risks and do not invest their money in their country” but instead invest in trivial material goods, “described by economists as typical of the bourgeoisie of an underdeveloped nation" (103).
In order to "deceive the masses, the national bourgeoisie continue to preach, encourage, and condone nationalism" which the people internalize and then eventually externalize literally. They begin to ostracize and persecute anyone living in their land that is not of their specific ethnicity, "severing any potential for African unity". This works in the national bourgeoisie's favor as the people are preoccupied with" riding the land of foreigners" and are blinded to the selfishness and corruption that guides the nation (105). Because colonialism was never interested in "exploiting the entire country, but was only interested in the natural resources of the earth that could be shipped to Europe," very specific industries were developed while the rest were not. Therefore following independence, the people and tribes who inherited these valued land and industries were envied and conspired against, or at least they presumed so. This of course reinstated many tribal, racial, and family conflicts that were present before colonialism (106).
Religious Rivalries
Religions that were brought and nurtured during colonialism give rise to an additional layer in the unstable power dynamic. Missionaries add to fuel to the already blazing fire of religious rivalries, proving that they are still tools of the metropolitan (originating colonial power) (107). Religion manifests in an overt racism "dividing the continent of Africa". "There are regions in Africa where black minorities are enslaved, which perpetuate a form of defensive racism against White Africa (described as Saharan and related to Mediterranean and Greco-Roman civilization)" (109).
Economic illiteracy and comprehension are not the only pitfalls of the national bourgeoisie, however, "they are also not qualified for domestic and institutional politics. " Referencing back to "sever economic limitations of the national bourgeoisie, the decision is made the country to operate within a "single party system" which effectively limits the voice of the people (110). The party intimidates the masses and more clearly becomes a "bourgeoisie dictatorship". Copious amounts of money is spent on public symbols representing the greatness of progressiveness of the nation to cover up the "stagnation". The national bourgeoisie enlists the cooperation of a "popular figure well known before independence that then embodied the values and ideals of the revolution" but serves as a puppet of the bourgeoisie distracting the masses while the economy shifts to completely state controlled (112). "In order to more hinder the people from becoming aware of the ways in which the nation's leaders have betrayed them, they are manipulated by a "militant leader who was hero of the revolution". He encourages the people to constantly "remember the past and to recognize their progress, although the people can recognize no progress as they are still starving and miserable" (113-114).
Fanon also recognizes that young intellectuals as a class play a crucial role in "reclaiming the history of the people as a continent, not a specific country"(147). "The young intellectuals put their heart and soul into achieving their salvation and the salvation of their people, which is redemption from the colonized role" in their perspective(155). The extreme passion that swells is "essential for her to remain connected to her people, without it she becomes lifeless and their psyches are negatively affected" (148,155). This "passion may even cause conflict and tension within her own community" because her passion is a culmination of her own liberation but her community cannot follow her (157). "The three stages of development for a colonized writer includes: achieving assimilation within the colonizer’s culture and society, being exposed to information that challenges her convictions resulting in the decision to turn to her people’s pre-colonial history for redemption and comfort, finally she will organize and mobilize her people for a collective struggle, transcending culture. " (158,159) The colonized writer, artist, and poet must be careful of perpetuating "stereotypes while attempting to represent or depict the history or struggle of the people" (159).
Colonial War and Mental Disorders
"Colonialism has been engaged in psychiatry long before mental disorders are apparent due to colonial wars, they specialized in assimilating the psyche of the colonized into the colonizer’s society"(181). If colonization is held in place by intimidation and militant tactics, "the colonized’s coping mechanisms fail due to a constant possibility of danger" (182). In addition, the dehumanization of "daily humiliation that the colonized face on a daily basis is a large factor of mental health, but the price that the people who engage in the actual combat of liberation pay a large price for their nation’s liberty" (184). They feel the pressure to "physically engaging an established militant force as well as preserving the hope in their community". In general the things required of them, "physical torture, as well as retaliation against their loved ones lead to psychosomatic symptoms including premature whitening of hair, disturbed menstrual cycles, muscular stiffness, tachycardia, stomach ulcers and so much more" (217,218). Many of these symptoms are a result of excessive anxiety and consistent major stressors.
Conclusion
We are encouraged to "leave behind a world where Europe, who has interrupted the progress of every other human society, is envied and to learn from history empowering us to no longer follow in the footsteps or the example of Europe". "It is true that we feel the need to have some sort of example, but we are encouraged to seek a new direction and to not imitate Europe’s history, patterns, and values". "One example is of the United States of American whose flaws were inherited from Europe," the model for the foundation of this country (236,237). Fanon claims that "today Europe is no longer progressing and therefore, now is the most opportune time to get away from the standards that were created on its foundation. " (237). "There is no reason to covet or fear Europe in its current state. If we are interested in the progress of humanity, we should focus on "people, new community, and humanity" while shutting down anything that challenges these values. "If is also important that we decolonize our minds and develop new thinking habits" (239).
I personally identify with the "young intellectual, writer, poet" that was described in this text that goes from "achieving assimilation" to organizing and mobilizing her people for the cause of liberation after having "core values and convictions challenged" (158,159). Fanon was on point when describing how the need to "redeem oneself can be a catalyst for focusing on the pre-colonial history" or in my context, the resiliency during colonialism, and expressing my experiences and revelations creatively (148). The process of being exposed to information that challenged my rigid and uninformed Evangelical, conservative convictions began a process of transformation evident in every area of my life including theologically. For myself and other who choose to resist the continuation of colonialism in our theologies, communities, and minds, we find ourselves gravitating towards theology that edified blackness, resists and challenges white patriarchal domination, and paints a picture of God in our image (She is Black). Colonialism and white domination of the theological sphere perpetuates negative connotations of black, dark, etc. James Cone, the father of Black Liberation Theology, emphasizes that "God is on the side of the oppressed and we are empowered to embrace the unique experiences and heritage as descendants of slaves when interpreting and reading the scripture" (Cone, 103). Allowing ourselves to place ourselves and center ourselves in scripture. Instituting a theology in Black churches that embrace the beauty of blackness would be beneficial for Black youth in particular, who are raised to hate ourselves and each other. This would ultimately benefit the entire community as Fanon refers to the youth as the "future leadership of the liberation struggle" (141).
Many times, I have found myself frustrated with generations before me for assimilating into white America and passing on a colonized mentality to me. However, I was humbled in how Fanon payed homage to our ancestors when he states “They fought as best they could with the weapons they possessed at the time, and if their struggle did not reverberate throughout the international arena, the reason should be attributed not so much to a lack of heroism but a fundamentally different international situation” (145,146). Reading this book has helped me to understand that my ancestors, living and dead, have endured so much more than I could have imagined and that their survival of those experiences and in some cases their ability to thrive should be commended and honored.
Per my own observations, due to the Presidency of Donald Trump and viral recordings of police brutality followed by unjust trials against those brutalizing police have cause a surge of awareness and resistance too institutionalized and systematic racism and an endorsement of decolonization and nationalism. Because liberation for Black Americans- descendents of slaves- will only ever be figurative, there is no land for us, many things mentioned in the post-independence (post integration) phase would differ for Black Americans. Because Black Americans have at least on paper secured our constitutional rights and have progressed in society there are many topics that would be nuanced today such as minority stress in predominantly white work and school environments, micro-aggressions, navigating white fragility, etc that are woven into the fabric of our realities that also cause mental health disorders. My own brush with mental health disorders were brought on by a severely passive aggressive racist work environment which led to a new world of problems. It was extremely difficult for me to find a black female counselor, someone I could relate to, and navigate a field of study dominated by white men while facing discrimination and assumptions based on the color of my skin. Since Black Americans are still dominated we are still experiencing the daily trauma of colonialism. The wounds are very rarely addressed or acknowledged because we are not seen as humans and our feelings are invalidated so much so that we learn to invalidate ourselves as well.
As a Black millennial, I have often been extremely disappointed with Black leadership within the United States including Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton, and Barak Obama. Although Barak Obama is an extremely capable and colorful member of the Black bourgeoisie, I never felt that Black people were a priority in his administration and much of the black community was let down especially in the final months of his presidency when he did not speak out against the police force murdering unarmed black men. In the thoughts and hearts of many in the black community, we understood Obama to be a puppet leader allowed to rise to power to "postpone the awakening of the oppressed community by deceiving the people into believing their lives would improve and that progress has been made" (111). It has been clear to the black community that Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton have made very successful careers under the false pretenses of representing the black community as civil rights leaders. They have been strategizing to improve the conditions and social location of the black community for decades without much progress, inclusion, or involvement of the community they ‘represent’. I am convinced that in some way members of the hip hop industry are members of the Black bourgeoisie although they very seldom have political power. Fanon explained that an obsession with "material items such as fancy cars," money, and jewelry, a major characteristic of the genre today, "are typical of an underdeveloped bourgeoisie and an attempt to imitate European bourgeoisie" (103).
As a Black American millennial woman yogi who considers myself socially conscious and still processing a lot of anger at the injustice of the society and the institutions in which we dwell, as well as a lover of Black people I am aware that I am extremely biased. I am also aware that this biased in defensive in nature (103). After reading this book, I am painfully aware of how fighting and "achieving liberation in the name of nationalism or race" will warp the results and possibly even the definition of liberation (109). Following the election while in Seattle, I was tempted to join the “New Black Panther Party” (not affiliated with the original BBP), when I realized that most of the programming consisted of simply hating white people and whiteness. I did not have a problem with at the time but did not see any balance. In the yogic philosophy that I have immersed myself in, I found myself embracing the idea of one love and acknowledging the light and love in all beings, all experiences, and all creation. Fortunately, I dodged the bullet that I believe Fanon describes as the "empty shell of nationalism". My millennial status and rebel tendencies pre-expose me to distrust the bourgeoisie of any race, especially my own as I have been conditioned in a society that disregards Black people, leading me to disregard Black leadership.
I was also raised in a predominantly white Parish in Louisiana and was raised alongside white children and bathed in whiteness. I subconsciously considered myself a part of their community because that was all I knew. Their attitudes towards Black forms of expression without a doubt inform how I perceive Black musicians and artists as they express their pain, joy, ecstasy, thoughts, etc – although I am working to unlearn this and support and recognize the beauty in all Black expression. I am aware that because of my upbringing, I unconsciously and consistently protect the feelings of the white people surrounding me, an unconscious response to fear and a survival mechanism passed onto me from my ancestors. I am sure that this colors everything that I do including this presentation, unconsciously making it more palatable for white Americans knowing that I will present orally. This is something that I continue to struggle with, but I believe that being aware is the very first step in the transformation process. As a self-identified Womanist (and aspiring Womanist theologian), I believe that social transformation starts, but certainly doesn’t end, with myself and encompasses the holistic care tending to of myself- a act of political resistance for black women in itself.
